Within These Walls| Intimate Partner Violence in the South Asian Population//Heer Panchal, M.S., M.A.

Picture Citation: scoopwhoop.com

The US Census data shows that close to 2.7 million South Asians currently live in the United States, and of this population, 41% are women. One study of 208 South Asian women in the Greater Boston area, 21% percent reported that they had experienced physical and/or sexual abuse at the hands of an intimate partner (Hurwitz, Gupta, Liu, Silverman & Raj, 2006). Another study by Raj & Silverman (2003) shows that 40% of South Asian women report intimate partner violence in their current relationship. These statistics paint a chilling picture of gender-based violence against women and the prevalence of intimate partner violence (IPV) in the South Asian population.

Intimate partner violence begins at an individual level and permeates to the household and community levels. On the individual levels, factors such as witnessing domestic violence growing up in childhood or substance use can be risk factors of IPV. At the household level, socioeconomic status, the woman’s economic status, quality of the marital relationship, and the number of children in the household can be factors that play into the presence of IPV. Sociocultural norms and beliefs can be some of the most pervasive risk factors leading to IPV, with gender norms and patriarchal beliefs stifling the voices of women in IPV relationships. In a culture that is rooted in religious beliefs that tout “pati Parmeshwar hai” (a husband is equivalent to God), the repercussions of speaking out against verbal, sexual, and physical abuse can be dire, and even life-threatening. In a Bangladeshi focus group for married women, one woman stated, “A woman who disobeys a husband or does not appreciate him will even have a place in Jahannam (hell)”. With such messages infusing the cultural beliefs of a population, there is such pressure on women to not report violence against them if it comes in the form of a marital partner (Samuels, Jones & Gupta, 2017).

Victims of intimate partner violence can go on to live full and meaningful lives despite their traumatic experiences, however, in order to do facilitate this process, it’s important to recognize victims that come forward and validate their emotions and experiences. While this is certainly not something that can be accomplished overnight, it is time that we begin introducing a conversation about IPV that advances knowledge and decreases the stigma of reporting violence and seeking help.

Resources for South Asian Women dealing with IPV:

Sakhi for South Asian Women

MAITRI

Asha for Women

Saheli

Saweraa

 Written by: Heer Panchal, M.S., M.A.

References:

Hurwitz EJH, Gupta J, Liu R, Silverman JG, Raj A. (2006). Intimate partner violence associated with poor health outcomes in U.S. South Asian women. Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health. 8:251-261.

Raj, A., & Silverman, J. G. (2003). Immigrant South Asian women at greater risk for injury from intimate partner violence. American journal of public health, 93(3), 435-437.

Samuels F., Jones N., Gupta T. (2017) Tackling intimate partner violence in South Asia: why working with men and boys matters for women. Overseas Development Initiative. 

Understanding Disparities in Access to Self-Care Among Psychology Graduate Students//Kylie Steinhilber

Image Retrieved From: https://www.graphicmedicine.org/happy-new-year-some-thoughts-on-self-care-from-katie-green/

There is growing emphasis on self-care in psychology graduate programs, especially those which focus on clinical work, in which emotional burden is heavy. Subsequently, research has explored the benefits of self-care for students who are attempting to balance the demands of their academic responsibilities, clinical caseload and research endeavors, all the while attempting to take care of their physical and psychosocial health.

Recent research has shown self-care to have personal and academic benefits (Zahniser, Rupert, & Dorociak, 2017). This research shows that self-care can reduce the negative impact of stress on psychology graduate students. Moreover, graduate programs play a large role in students’ self-care such students engage in more self-care when their programs encourage it (Zahniser et al., 2017). Still, students find that there are barriers to engaging in self-care, myself included.

It is a given and widely accepted fact that students in clinical graduate programs are hard pressed for time. However, we must also acknowledge the disparities among students in their ability to engage in self-care. Rather, I should frame this as “access” to self-care. These disparities are not a result of differential skill among students to engage in self-care, rather these disparities arise as a result of social determinants, such as SES or financial burden, family or living environment, or ethnic mismatch between a student and a program.

Through talking with fellow graduate students, I have become increasingly aware of the various pressures placed on individuals within programs and how this impacts their time, space, and comfort to engage self-care. For example, if a student is financially supporting themselves in a program that does not provide tuition remission, that student might have to work two alternative jobs in addition to their regular academic, research and clinical schedule. Thus, there may be limited time for self-care. If that same student also lives with four roommates to cut costs on rent, that student might also not have the space to engage in private self-care. Additionally, if that student is from an ethnic minority background in a program of mostly White students, that student may not feel the social support, comfort, or inclusion to engage in forms of self-care such as building professional support systems that have found to be important for academic progress and personal wellbeing (Zahniser et al., 2017). Yet, programs often do not consider, or even know, the extent of these burdens on each student when they preach self-care.

Programs may need to consider these factors that I call “social barriers to access to self-care”. In exploring the intersectionality of these factors, we can understand self-care from a more feminist lens. Moreover, we can emphasize the feminist nature inherent in self-care. Authors have already identified this, such as Sharanya Sekaram, a feminist writer, researcher, and activist. She writes:

“[Self-care] means moving away from what you are ‘supposed’ to do to what we need to do and how we make this decision for ourselves. This is a deeply feminist idea – rooted in the ideas of autonomy and choice. For women especially, pigeonholed by patriarchy into the roles of nurturers and caretakers, the practice becomes a political and feminist act.” (Sekaram, 2018)

And yet, instead of framing it this way, programs encourage self-care as yet another “thing we are supposed to do” as students, without realizing the unrealistic pressure this place on students, especially those who do not have access to the time, space, or comfort to do so. 

I suggest that programs include bottom-up approaches to self-care. For example, creating inclusive environments in which students can define what self-care means to them, set realistic goals for themselves, and track their personal growth on these dimensions. This puts the power back into students’ hands. Furthermore, due to the time and money constraints on students, self-care, in my opinion, should be added into the curriculum. Lastly, program faculty should explicitly examine the ways in which students’ social burdens intersect and impact not only their ability to engage with self-care but also their performance in the program. By doing so, I would hope that evaluations become less biased. Moreover, evaluations could then become more reflective of the additional “work” that students engage in without academic or financial compensation. 

Written by Kylie Steinhilber  

References:

Zahniser, E., Rupert, P. A., & Dorociak, K. E. (2017). Self-care in clinical psychology graduate training. Training and Education in Professional Psychology, 11(4), 283–289. doi: 10.1037/tep0000172

Sekaram, S. (2018, October 18). The politics of self-care and feminism. [Blog post]. Retrieved from https://www.genderit.org/feminist-talk/politics-self-care-and-feminism

Where Are We Now? Denim Day 20 years Later//Mercedes Anderson, M.A.

  

Image source: https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/denim-day-offers-chance-stand-victims-sexual-violence-simply-wearing-n750961

April marks the 20^th anniversary of the first annual Denim Day, an awareness event highlighted during Sexual Assault Awareness Month to combat victim blaming. Denim Day began after an Italian supreme court conviction was overturned after the judges decided that a woman who was sexually assaulted must have assisted her perpetrator in removing her jeans (because they were too tight), deeming her partially responsible for her assault. After the ruling, women wore jeans in solidarity with the survivor, thus beginning the historical protest against rape supportive attitudes, (“Why Denim?”, 2019).

While recent movements such as #Metoo and #TimesUp have brought awareness to sexual violence prevention efforts and pushed for increased victim/survivor support, these movements have also exposed the prevalence of victim blaming. Victim- blaming occurs when the individual who experiences the misfortune is held responsible for what happened to them. While most individuals recognize the psychologically damaging effects of victim- blaming, the cognitive processes underlying victim blaming suggest it may serve as a form of emotional regulation. Research indicates that engaging in victim- blaming is a psychological protection mechanism that allows individuals to keep their beliefs in a just world when encountering misfortune that conflicts with their ideas about trust and security, (Harber, Williams, & Desteno, 2015). Victim- blaming contributes to a larger rape- supportive culture that disproportionality impacts women, especially within media and the criminal justice systems (Thacker, 2017). Experience of victim- blaming may also prompt re-traumatization for the victim (Campbell & Raja, 2005).

As we approach the 20^th anniversary, it is a time to reflect on how to move forward in the fight towards ending victim- blaming for survivors of sexual and relationship violence. How do we accomplish this? Research indicates that victimology education can help to decrease victim-blaming attitudes in undergraduate populations, (Fox & Cook, 2011). Also, encouraging individuals to confront negative feelings through emotional disclosure can help to reduce emotion-based biases (Harber, Williams, & Desteno, 2015). Overall, as advocates of survivor support, we can do our part by bringing awareness to conscious and subconscious victim- blaming attitudes as well as providing education to communities victim-centered support.

Written by: Mercedes Anderson, M.A.

References:

Campbell, R., & Raja, S. (2005). The sexual assault and secondary victimization of female veterans: Help-seeking experiences with military and civilian social systems. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 29, 97– 106.

Harber, K., Podolski, P., Williams, C., & Desteno, David. (2015). Emotional Disclosure and Victim Blaming. Emotion, 15(5), 603-614.

Fox, Kathleen A., & Cook, Carrie L. (2011). Is Knowledge Power? The Effects of a Victimology Course on Victim Blaming. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 26(17), 3407-3427.

Thacker, L. K. (2017). Rape Culture, Victim Blaming, and the Role of Media in the Criminal Justice System. Kentucky Journal of Undergraduate Scholarship, 1(1), 8.

Why Denim? (2019). Retrieved from https://www.denimdayinfo.org/why-denim

A Call to Advocacy:Utilizing Culturally Relevant Approaches for Native Hawaiian Women//Melissa Leilani Devencenzi, M.S.

Image retrieved from https:decolonization.wordpress.com

Colonialism, which can be seen as a gendered process, has brought several negative implications for Kānaka Maoli (translated as “true” or “native” person; Rezentes, 1996), creating an intricate, generational problem that is compounded with cultural trauma.  Native Hawaiians are the most economically disadvantaged race in Hawai‘i with some of the highest rates of homelessness, incarceration, drug use, and educational inequalities. This has various psychological implications (Cook et al., 2005; Kauanui, 2016).  Due to a limited number of individuals who identify as Native Hawaiian, a call for Native values and a strengths-based approach to address the needs of Kānaka Maoli from a Kanaka Maoli perspective is imperative (Kaholokula, 2009; Kana‘iaupuni, 2004). 

So, what are “Native values?”  Prior to illegal annexation and Western contact in the 1800s, the people of Hawaiʻi had their own traditional methods of healing, including hula (dance), oli (chanting), and craftsmanship.  These methods were closely aligned with the prominent Native values of aloha (love, acceptance), ʻohana (family), ʻāina (land), and lōkahi (unity) (McCubbin & Marsella, 2009; Rezentes, 1996).  Emphasis on the interaction between those values and the values of humility (ha‘aha‘a), pride (ha‘aheo), honesty (kūpono), and forgiveness (huikala) are vital as these components work together to create psychological harmony within each person (Rezentes, 1996).  For traditional Kānaka Maoli, the practice and utilization of these values are displayed through one’s attitude: humble, unpretentious, and reverenced towards one’s kūpuna (elders) (Rezentes, 1996).

Many of the cultural practices Hawaiians engaged in were discouraged by missionaries and motioned toward extinction (Kauanui, 2016).  At the time, Westerners who witnessed Hawaiians engaging in their Native values and practices like hula were perceived as “savagely expressing themselves, rather than as “performers” with skills” (Teves, 2012, p. 212).  These very practices are what render lōkahi (unity) within Kanaka Maoli.  When there is a disconnect between the self, family, spirituality, and land, one is in a state of disharmony (McCubbin & Marsella, 2009). 

The problem here is multifaceted.  Much of the history, cultural prostitution, corporate tourism, and effects of colonialism have resulted in poverty, homeless, poor education, and disproportionately high incarceration rates for Kānaka Maoli (Cook et al., 2005; Kauanui, 2016).  Implications of the stereotypes cast on Native Hawaiians include negative perceptions of ambition, lower reports of self-esteem, decreases in achievement, and decreases in academic success (Kana‘iaupuni, 2004). When looking at the statistics, there is no doubting the aforesaid correlation.  Native Hawaiians are overrepresented in the justice system and homeless population, accounting for approximately 30% of the homeless population in Hawai‘i (Cook et al., 2005) and 40% of individuals who are incarcerated (Martinez, 2016).  The Native Hawaiian race accounts for approximately 600 more people than any other race per 100,000 individuals incarcerated in Hawai‘i (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010).  The percentages of homeless and incarcerated individuals may seem small, however, when taking into consideration Native Hawaiian’s account for only 6% of the Islands population as “pure” Hawaiian’s and approximately 20% of the Islands population as hapa (“part-Hawaiian”; Goo, 2015), the percentages mentioned are astronomical. 

To illustrate the importance of this issue, in 2016 Section 9 (Psychoanalysis for Social Responsibility) of Division 39 (the Division of Psychoanalysis) of the American Psychological Association (APA) provided a formal apology to the Native American, Alaskan Native, and Native Hawaiian people (“Full Apology,” 2016).  In this letter, Section 9 of Division 39 states the United States is a settler colonial nation that became wealthy by colonizing, stealing, and decimating the Native lands of the aforementioned cultures (“Full Apology,” 2016).  Section 9 of the Division of Psychoanalysis further admits the deplorable treatment of these individuals have come in the form of abusive assimilation attempts, involuntary relocation, lack of voting ability, and the absence of religious freedom (“Full Apology,” 2016); all of which the dominant culture has maintained silence over yet maintained ample documentation regarding the racial and cultural disparities.  Psychologically, the cultural traumas Native Americans, Alaskan Natives, and Native Hawaiians have undergone have led to higher than normal rates of chronic illness, psychological distress, and incarceration, as well as attempts of suicide that did not originally exist in the pre-colonized cultures (“Full Apology,” 2016). 

In the “Full Apology” (2016), Section 9 maintains that the aforementioned treatment is unacceptable and apologizes for: the use of a diagnostic system that is not culturally appropriate, the use of culturally inappropriate assessments and testing measures that have caused inaccurate beliefs about abilities and competencies, the unethical conduction of research for the benefit of the researcher only, the utilization of treatment methods that ignored culturally relevant healing ideologies, and the continued silence and absence of advocacy regarding political policies.  Section 9 of Division 39 has affirmed the need and support in listening, advocating, following, collaborating, and including more of the voices from Native American, Alaskan Native, and Native Hawaiian populations (“Full Apology,” 2016).  Section 9 states the future of psychology will be ready to incorporate the voices of the Native people, along with the inclusion of higher numbers of Native psychologists and mental health clinicians (“Full Apology,” 2016).

            For Native women who are often seen as nurturers, psychological issues are multifaceted.  The life expectancy of Native Hawaiian women within Hawai‘i is the lowest among all other races or ethnicities (Office of Hawaiian Affairs; OHA, 2018).  When it comes to the mental health of these women, the statistics are alarming: more Native Hawaiian girls in high schools have had serious suicidal ideation (24.1%) when compared against females statewide (20.1%); they have the highest rate of reported self-harm in 9^th grade (42.2%); during the 2012-2016 time period one in five women considered their psychological well-being to be “not good” for 1-6 days out of the month (19%), with the highest rates in the state of a combined psychological and physical well-being identified as “not good” for 7-13 days out of the month (OHA, 2018).  Similarly, rates of post-partum depression and struggles with weight are higher than non-Hawaiians on the island.

As both a Native Hawaiian woman and a future psychologist who aims to work with the Native Hawaiian population. I take all of this to heart.  It is evident there have been faults in the past, such as the Section 9 of Division 39’s statement shows, when attempting to provide culturally competent therapeutic treatment.  I see so much room for growth, and coming from a resilient cultural background I think that an approach founded by Hawaiians for Hawaiians is essential.  There is such a great need to continue this discourse and advocate for policy change that can benefit these women and allow for awareness and appropriate mental health treatment.  Who we are, as Hawaiian women, is an energetic force that encompasses compassion, relationships, knowledge, leadership, and the strength of our ancestors.  As women, we are the center of our families.  This means our health and well-being greatly impact ourselves and our families.  We are resilient beings with Native values that are much more important than hegemonic ideology.  I think we need to continue to discuss how to support our women at all ages, especially when considering the current statistics.

By: Melissa Leilani Devencenzi, M.S.

References

Cook, B. P. I., Tarallo-Jensen, L., Withy, K., & Berry, S. P. (2005). Changes in Kanaka Maoli men's roles and health: Healing the warrior self. International Journal of Men's Health, 4, 115.

Full apology to the Native American, Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian people. (2016, December 5). Retrieved from https://psychoanalyticactivist.com/2016/12/05/full-apology-to-the-native-american-alaska-native-and-native-hawaiian-people/

Goo, S. K. (2015). After 200 years, Native Hawaiians make a comeback. Pew Research Center. Retrieved from http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/04/06/native-hawaiian-population/#

Kaholokula, J. K. A., Nacapoy, A. H., & Dang, K. O. (2009). Social justice as a public health imperative for Kānaka Maoli. AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples, 5, 116-137.

Kana‘iaupuni, S. M. (2004). Ka‘akālai Kū Kanaka: A call for strengths-based approaches from a Native Hawaiian perspective. Educational Researcher, 34, 32-38.

Kauanui, J. K. (2016). Traversing the Hawaiian nationalist political gulf. Hūlili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, 10, 83-100.

Martinez, K. (2016). Rates of incarceration in Hawaii. Retrieved from https://www.newsmax.com/fastfeatures/incarceration-rate-hawaii-hawaiian/2016/01/06/id/708460/

McCubbin, L. D., & Marsella, A. (2009). Native Hawaiians and psychology: The cultural and historical context of indigenous ways of knowing. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 15, 374.

Office of Hawaiian Affairs. (2018). Haumea – Transforming the health of Native Hawaiian women and empowering Wāhine well-being. Honolulu, HI: Office of Hawaiian Affairs.

Rezentes, W. J. (1996). Ka lama kukui: An introduction to Hawaiian psychology. (n.p.): ‘A‘ali‘i Books.

Tamaira, A. M. K. (2017). Walls of empowerment: Reading public murals in a Kanaka Maoli context. The Contemporary Pacific, 29, 1-35. https://doi.org/10.1353/cp.2017.0001

Teves, S. N. (2012). We’re all Hawaiians now: Kanaka Maoli performance and the politics of aloha (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/handle/2027.42/91591/tevess_1.pdf?sequence=1

U.S. Census Bureau. (2010). Hawaii incarceration rates by race/ethnicity, 2010 (Summary File 1). Retrieved from https://www.prisonpolicy.org/graphs/2010rates/HI.html