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Friday, September 28, 2018

To (Hija)Be or Not to Be: Perspectives of a Muslim Feminist//Betool Ridha, M.A.


Photo retrieved from: https://www.deviantart.com/tuffix/art/We-Can-Do-It-Too-326584491

There is a long-standing perception, specifically perpetuated among Western discourses, that Muslim women are oppressed and a key symbol of their oppression is the Hijab. As a Muslim woman myself, who chooses to wear and observe the Hijab, this perception is a deeply personal one. The Hijab is a very complex construct, complicated even further by the assumptions and misconceptions seen in the modern, Western, secular world today. One common misconception that is frequently used in arguments against Islam is that the Hijab is a tool of oppression used by the religion to silence and dominate women. In order to fully understand the meaning and significance of the Hijab, one must examine the construct in both religious and cultural contexts. While the term “Hijab” today is often conflated with the headscarf that Muslim women wear, it actually encompasses many different aspects and behaviors of both Muslim women and men. The Hijab, most simply put, is an expression of modesty. While this can be expressed for women through the wearing of a headscarf, the Hijab encompasses many different aspects of human behavior. The Hijab is a requirement placed onto men in the Quran as well as women. Rather than oppress humans, the Hijab functions to liberate both men and women from the confines of their appearance and allow themselves to be regarded as spiritual beings rather than sexual beings. In being regarded as spiritual beings, Muslim women are seen as equal to men in Islam. While this is the true form of the Hijab in Islam and the intention is to liberate, rather than oppress, that is not always the case in Muslim countries in the modern world today.
Many societies enforce strict gender roles, which specifically prohibit women from entering the public sphere. Such prohibitions include women’s right to an education, right to work, and even to drive. The Hijab is used as a mechanism through which to enforce such oppression. However, this oppression is not of ideological origin but rather economic. The liberation of women is not economically smart, in fact, it is much more costly to provide women with education, jobs, and child care than it is to confine them to the domestic sphere and charge them with reproduction and child-rearing. Without an understanding of such implications, it is fairly easy to make generalizations about the Hijab and project them onto all Muslim women and the religion of Islam. Feminist theorists Chandra Talpade Mohanty and Saba Mahmood argue against this trend, especially in Western, secular, feminism to generalize and overlook the nuances that work to shape how the Hijab is used and expressed around the world. Neglecting to take a transnational approach and view to the Hijab is deeply problematic, as is evidenced by Western feminists assertions that Muslim women are victims of oppression and need to be saved from Islam.  The perpetuation of the Hijab as oppressive is symbolic of the white feminist movement that neglects to account for the intersectional identities of marginalized women and promotes a white colonialist view under the guise of liberation. Muslim women are not meek, subordinate creatures that need to be saved. We are strong, capable, independent women, and our liberation lies within our choice to wear the Hijab.

Written By: Betool Ridha, M.A.
References
Ahmed, Leila. Women and gender in Islam historical roots of a modern debate. University of Pennsylvania Pr., 2011.
Mahmood, Saba. “Feminist Theory, Embodiment, and the Docile Agent: Some Reflections on the Egyptian Islamic Revival.” Cultural Anthropology, vol. 16, no. 2, 2001, pp. 202–236., doi:10.1525/can.2001.16.2.202.
Mohanty, Chandra Talpade. “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses” from Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism. Indiana University Press, 1991.
The Holy Qur'an. Trans. by Yusuf A. Ali, Woodsworth Classics, 2000.


Friday, September 21, 2018

My Feminist Contradictions: Making Sense of Benevolent Sexism//Kylie Steinhilber





 Photo by Alessandro Zuffi, Retreived from https://magoz.is/sexism/

I’m not a perfect feminist and as Bad Feminist author, Roxane Gay, highlights, the road to embracing a feminist label is messy. Gay also cleverly illustrates how the life of a woman is filled with contradictions leading many of us to feel we don’t measure up to the “perfect” feminist ideal.

One contradiction that has me stumped lately is the one between my own label as a feminist, and my own acceptance of benevolent sexism. Benevolent sexism (BS) consists of evaluations of gender that are generally perceived as positive and praise those who conform to traditional gender roles (Glick, Diebold, Bailey-Werner, & Zhu, 1997). However, BS also promotes the notion that women are inferior (Glick & Fiske, 2001). For example, the notion that women are in need of protection or help from men or that women are intrinsically more sensitive and weak whereas men are strong. This may take the form of a man insisting on carrying a woman’s bags because he feels she needs help, when in reality she does not. Underlying this seemingly positive and helpful action are assumptions rooted in paternalism that confine women and men to prescribed gender roles and promote the perception of difference.

This dissonance arose after reading the results of a study conducted by Gul and Kupfer (2018): Women, including feminists, find benevolent sexist men more attractive than men who are not. At the same time, women also recognize that benevolent sexist men are more patronizing and undermining. Did you catch that? 2018. Not 1963. 2018.

When I read this, my mind was A) completely blown and B) trying reconcile the shock of such results while knowing that I, too, would likely respond in the same way—especially considering that my boyfriend states at least once a week that “he sleeps closer to the door to protect the woman (i.e. me).” And yet, I find his eagerness to defend me attractive.

I feel embarrassed to admit that I blindly accept many instances of benevolent sexism. While in the moment these comments don’t readily appear sexist, the paternalistic undertones don’t align with my values as a feminist. However, I am self-compassionate towards this internal struggle knowing that the research has found that many women also accept BS.

I needed answers to explain this phenomenon. The authors largely credit evolution for why we feel that benevolent sexist men are not only more attractive, but warmer and more willing to protect, provide and commit to us (Gul & Kupfer, 2018). However, we do not live in the Environment of Evolutionary Adaptedness in which our species evolved. And, we still have a long way to go with the secondary explanation that mate preferences are determined by sociocultural factors such as the unequal gender-based division of labor that leads women to seek “provider” men.

Given the recent movements against sexual violence such as Me Too and Time’s Up, I also wanted answers for why women in 2018 are so accepting of benevolent sexism; it seems counterproductive. On one hand, we publically denounce sexual violence, sexism, and those who are bystanders to it. On the other, this study says we support sexism, or at least one form of it.

One explanation for this paradox, researchers say, is the racket hypothesis which proposes that women exhibit higher levels of benevolent sexism as a means for protecting themselves against men’s hostile sexism (i.e. negative antagonism towards women who challenge traditional female roles; Glick & Fiske, 2001; Glick et al., 2000). Surely, Me Too and Time’s Up have been accompanied by plenty of hostile sexism towards women who have voiced their stories of victimization and those who push to change the status quo in Hollywood, the government, or even their local communities.  

As I try to make sense of all this information, I return to the facts of what we know to be true. 1) The more one experiences sexist events, the more one experiences psychological distress (Szymanski, Gupta, Carr, & Stewart, 2009). 2) Rates of benevolent sexism are higher when hostile sexism is higher (Glick et al., 2000).

Therefore, it seems that the racket hypothesis can explain why the sexual violence and sexism in the media is accompanied by increased hostile and benevolent sexism. However, I question the direction of effect that the racket hypothesis proposes. Either the racket hypothesis is true (hostile sexism triggers benevolent sexism), or benevolent sexism creates adverse environments in which hostile sexism thrives. Moreover, these explanations may work in tandem in a positive feedback loop in which hostile sexism feeds back into benevolent sexism.

When we accept benevolent sexism, we unconsciously promote the notion that women are inferior. This perception of male superiority not only feeds into hostile sexist attitudes that tear down women emotionally, but also contributes to violence against women as a means of protecting male power and privilege.

This type of systemic understanding of sexual violence, or any women’s rights issue, is often ignored and can be difficult to prove in research. Moreover, systemic perspectives are also difficult to disseminate to the public. Research on perceptions of sexual violence has found that the general public struggles to connect the dots between sexual violence and systemic factors that promote it (e.g. the lesser status of women throughout history); people tend to opt for more individualistic explanations of sexual predation such as bad parenting or immorality instead (O’Neil & Morgan, 2010).

So, where does all of this information leave you and me? What can you or I do on an individual level to counteract this cycle? I can think of a few things:
1)      Self-Inquiry. This blog post is just one of the first opportunities for me to question my acceptance of BS, where it originates within myself, and the ways in which I, too, promote BS. This can be as simple as taking just a little longer before I speak or act to consider the long- and short-term effects of my own words and actions.
2)      Self-Care. Along with point 1, I can give myself self-care time to cope with the sexism that I experience and read about. I can do this through healthy outlets such as writing or attending women’s groups to foster connection through shared experiences. Through this, I can build resiliency and lessen frustration.
3)      “Ouch”. This is a tactic that was introduced to me during a round table discussion of racism and racial representation following a showing of the movie “Get Out”. Participants were asked to use “ouch” as method of communicating that something somebody said was hurtful, and prompting discussion and resolution. I think this is a friendly method I can introduce to future academic discussions of sexism and to those in my personal life.
4)      Start with those closest to you. I can address the BS that comes from family and friends using “Ouch”. They are a comfortable place to start. When I hear BS coming from them, I can start conversations that build understanding through using curiosity (rather than personal frustration). I can start by perspective taking and trying to understand their point of view, communicate my own, and find our common values that connect us in order to make my social environments more welcoming.


Written by Kylie Steinhilber


References

Gay, R. (2014). Bad feminist. Hachette UK.

Glick, P., Diebold, J., Bailey-Werner, B., & Zhu, L. (1997). The two faces of Adam: Ambivalent sexism and polarized attitudes toward women. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 23, 1323–1334. doi:10.1177/01461672972312009

Glick, P., & Fiske, S. (2001). An ambivalent alliance: Hostile and benevolent sexism as complementary justifications for gender inequality. American Psychologist, 56, 109–118. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.56.2.109

Glick, P., Fiske, S. T., Mladinic, A., Saiz, J. L., Abrams, D., Masser, B., . . . López, W. L. (2000). Beyond prejudice as simple antipathy: Hostile and benevolent sexism across cultures. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 79, 763-775. doi:10.1037//0022-3514.79.5.763

Gul, P., & Kupfer, T. R. (2018). Benevolent Sexism and Mate Preferences: Why Do Women Prefer Benevolent Men Despite Recognizing That They Can Be Undermining? Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 1-16, doi:10.1177/0146167218781000

O’Neil, M., Morgan, P. (2010). American Perceptions of Sexual Violence: A FrameWorks Research Report [PDF file]. Retrieved from http://frameworksinstitute.org/assets/files/PDF_sexualviolence/AmericanPerceptionsofSexualViolence.pdf

Szymanski, D., Gupta, A., Carr, E., & Stewart, D. (2009). Internalized Misogyny as a Moderator of the Link between Sexist Events and Women’s Psychological Distress. Sex Roles, 61(1-2), 101-109. doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9611-y



Friday, September 14, 2018

Don’t Do the Crime, Even if You Won’t Pay the Time!//Margaret Brennan, M.A.




Photo Courtesy of Pixers.us


Next month marks the anniversary of The New Yorker article (2017) that broke the story of Harvey Weinstein’s alleged history of sexual assault, and in the eleven months since, approximately 100 men in the entertainment industry have had sexual assault allegations leveled against them. Ten months ago, one of those men was comedian Louis C.K., and in one of the few instances of an accused man doing so, he acknowledged, in a statement that was also published in The New York Times, that the allegations against him were true, and he concluded said statement by writing that, “I will now step back and take a long time to listen” (The New York Times, 2017). 
            That appears to be what he did for ten months before appearing, unannounced, at a comedy club at the end of last month.  Yes, he lost corporate sponsorships and his film I Love You Daddy were dropped by its domestic and international distributors, but charges were never brought against him.  Instead he was allowed to retreat from the public eye for less than a year, before making a return to the literal spotlight on his own terms and without the prior knowledge of his audience, leading to several women walking out of the venue and a few others sitting stone-faced through the entirety of his set (Vulture, 2018).
            Within the #MeToo/Time’s Up era, C.K. serves as a sort of bellwether given that he has acknowledged the accuracy of the allegations made against him, and his return to the public eye, along with steps being taken by several other accused men highlights the power that the “boys club” still has over how and to what extent powerful men are, or are not, punished for the harm they do.  That was also evident in the social media response to C.K.’s unannounced set, with several notable male comedians, including Michael Ian Black, calling for understanding of C.K. having “done his time,” or expressing their outright excitement for his return, while many female comedians expressed their anger, frustration, and even resignation regarding an admitted abusers return to the spotlight.   

                                                               Credit: Tweet by: @michaelianblack

                                                                           Credit: Tweet by: @aparnapkin

            I admit to having none of the answers (numerous opinions yes, but no answers) regarding how long abusers should be out of the public eye, but getting to step back from the judgment of the public without facing legal consequences strikes me as hollow, and making his return through an audience who was not informed, and therefore unable to consent to said return is a blatant continuation of the issues with not seeking consent that precipitated C.K.’s (and countless others) fall from grace in the first place.  Abusers must be held accountable because if they aren’t, they will never change, and as a society we send the message to others that their actions are acceptable, and that is unacceptable!

Written by: Margaret Brennan, M.A.


References
C.K., Louis (2017, November 7). Louis C.K. responds to accusations: “These stories are true.”
            The New York Times. Retrieved from:

Farrow, Ronan (2017, October 10). From aggressive overtures to sexual assault: Harvey
Weinstein’s accusers tell their stories. The New Yorker. Retrieved from:
Harris, Hunter (2018, August 29). “Two women describe Louis C.K.’s “uncomfortable” Comedy  













Friday, September 7, 2018

Black Catsuit, Seven Lives: How Sexist Perceptions Diminish Women’s Autonomy//Aimee M. Poleski, M.A.


http://halloween.friko.net/piatek-13.html


Serena Williams is an icon.  For many women, her name rings familiar as one echoed throughout childhood, adolescence, and into adulthood.  The tennis star is a reflection of both our age and a reminder that we do not all age the same.  Simply put, we do not all possess the same level of commitment to being the best version of ourselves.  If women who have known that name within
their lifetimes displayed similar devotion to transcending barriers, perhaps the 21st century may see women holding more power within our current American society.  Williams is the embodiment of the woman who strives to outdo the person she was the day before, and she exists as a salient reminder that many of us can afford success in the face of adversity.  She is the model for resiliency in facing adversity within a profession as a minority female athlete who may, as such, experience greater scrutiny.  And so we persist in part due to women like Williams who endure as the avatar for women within the United States, for what we can be if we choose to confront barriers.  After entering motherhood, she has even more greatly upheld this truth.  Oh yes, she…...we can truly do it all.  As long as it’s not in a catsuit.

In a world in which women are still the partner most often expected to choose between career and parenthood (Galley, 2014) Williams now fully represents the tangible opportunity for a woman to function in the maternal and professional roles at once.  Her entry into parenthood after giving birth to her first child in September of 2017 (Kimble, 2017) juxtaposes the fierce, dominant nature of athleticism with the benevolent qualities of being a mother.  When correlating motherhood with the persona of a powerful athlete, one may anticipate the subtle discomfort of cognitive dissonance creep in, but in this day the Olympian turned mother-and-athlete is generally embraced as a member of both clubs.  Now, more than ever, Williams is truly representative of women who strive to connect with various aspects of the multifaceted female identity.  We can be dominant and nurturing, fierce and soft, commanding and doting, aggressive and patient, and kind, and loving, and all of the things the good-enough mother is.  We can be the master of a craft (that does not involve glue, smilies, or glitter) and the master of our feminine sides (which can be quite glittery) at the same damn time.  William’s return to tennis highlighted this tangible reality.  However, when she chose to wear a skin-tight, black spandex body suit, developed by Nike and designed to preserve the physical well-being of a woman who experienced blood clots post-childbirth (Dicker, 2018), the president of the French Tennis Federation, Bernard Giudicelli, publicly stated his disapproval (Dawson, 2013).  He indicated the outfit was inappropriate and announced it would be prohibited in subsequent French open tournaments.

A similar reaction occurred in 2002, when Williams wore a different controversial outfit (Hobson, 2013).  The catsuit’s predecessor was also tight, black spandex and drew attention to her womanlier curves, most notably the buttocks, an area of the Black woman’s body Hobson (2013) claims can be viewed in an unfavorable manner.  In fact, a Black woman’s body has, more often than that of a Caucasian woman, been viewed as one of indecency (Lawson, 2000), and William’s earlier controversy even caused critique of her muscular body as being too masculine (Hobson, 2013).  In a peculiar fashion, her femininity was too apparent and femininity simultaneously minimized.

The preoccupation with Black women’s curves is suggested to be offspring of a long history of fetishizing and degrading these features (Hobson, 2013).  This dates back to at least the 1800s, when Sarartije (Sara) Baartman, also commonly referred to as Hottentot Venus, was transported from South Africa to Europe to reside for a significant portion of her life.  There, she existed as a spectacle (SAHO, 2018).  She was put on display and her markedly sizable buttocks observed with both curious fascination and disgust.  During this time larger buttocks were considered fashionable (Kentake, 2017).  Thus, some may endorse the notion that onlookers admired Baartman for this feature.  Yet she was enslaved and forced to showcase her body as an oddity to people outside of her own culture.  The display of Baartman for direct observation of her pronounced physical features is a reprehensible illustration of a unique form of scrutiny that people outside of the African American community may be unable to fully grasp or appreciate.   

Baartman was not necessarily a willing participant in the manifestation her legacy.  Instead, she was a slave who was also illiterate when she signed a contract that required she travel throughout Europe to continue work as a slave and serve as an attraction (SAHO, 2018).  Later, she was showcased alongside a circus animal.  Baartman was kept in cages and directed to move about by someone functioning as an animal trainer would (Kentake, 2017).  She died in her twenties (SAHO, 2018).  For over two decades this woman was without freedom.  When a spectacle she was often showcased in scarce clothing and is rumored to have indulged in substance use to cope with her circumstance (Kentake, 2017).  Her history provides a horrific representation of the way in which African American women have been stigmatized and the center of revolting scrutiny. 

The preoccupation with curvy bodies is reflected in current times, with women even going to great lengths to mimic such features, be it through photo shop or butt implants.  The rising popularity of exaggerated curves can be observed through a simple search of current Instagram models or celebrities.  However, the same features that are idealized can also be the subject of negative scrutiny.  Our society does not currently subject women to the same level of maltreatment Sara Baartman endured, but many women do not choose to be a willing participant in others’ repugnant perceptions.  Likewise, the current preoccupation with emphasized curves is not without paradox when considering the role of history. 

Black women in particular tend to experience greater negative scrutiny of their body types.  However, the policing of women’s bodies and clothing certainly does not exclude women of different cultural or ethnic groups.  A Caucasian tennis player, Anna White, received a similar reaction after donning a white, spandex catsuit to a 1985 Wimbledon match (Feinstein, 1985).  Some argue White received less harsh criticism, but her catsuit was another that did not make a second appearance.  It was poorly received by many and prohibited in future Wimbledon matches (Hobson, 2012).  As such, patterns of sexism are not limited to perceptions of Black women’s bodies, and Williams is not the only female tennis player to have her autonomy infringed upon.  Be it to various degrees, all women are subjected to this form of sexism.  Minority women, though, have a longstanding account of body policing that has historical roots, some entrenched in tragic oppression, cruelty, and discrimination.

In addition to the historical context of body and clothes policing, such phenomena may have an evolutionary basis.  From an evolutionary standpoint, certain male behavior is explained by the inability to establish paternity.  Modern technology aside, a man can never be certain the child he is providing for is his.  While studying human sexuality has led me to entertain the assumption that this is the basis for jealousy, this primal force motivating behavior is also suggested to result in control of women’s bodies as a means to ensure no other man has access to her (Chrisler, 2010).  In current times, this can present as men dictating the degree to which a woman’s sexuality is evident to others.  Simply put, it looks like men telling women what to wear.  Yet, regardless of a possible evolutionary basis, such behaviors continue to stigmatize women. A woman should certainly be mindful of how she is presenting, yet others should be mindful of how worldview affects perception and subsequently, behavior.  Instead of requiring men to reframe their view of the woman’s body, the oversexualization of women and promotion of submissive deference is reinforced within a culture by telling the woman she must hide that which makes others uncomfortable, be it an opinion, a superior ability, or evident curves.

In exploring the topic of policing women’s bodies I can’t help but recall one of my most notable celebrity encounters (beyond meeting Orville Redenbacher and Vanilla Ice, sadly on separate occasions).  As a fan of Janelle Monáe, a singer and actor who often employs pro-equality lyrics in her music and re-defines femininity through her fashion choices and messaging, I referenced her on several occasions through social media.  Despite my shameless plugs for her music and film productions never having been noted, Monáe did respond to a comment in which I eluded to her having sold out to the industry.  I was referring to her song, “Yoga.”  

I felt Monáe abandoned her feminist ideals for lyrics such as, “Baby bend over; Let your booty do the yoga,” for the single to become one of her only mainstream tracks.  The reference to selling out is what caught her attention.  In a comment on my Instagram post, she reciprocated my brash assessment in referencing a line from “Yoga (AZLyrics, 2018):” “You cannot police me, so get off my areola.”  Message heeded (back off peasant), but the comment was also successful in drawing my attention to Monáe still serving as an advocate for women.  She was not, in fact, selling out (though some lyrics negated those promoting empowerment).  She was confronting our culture’s persistence in telling women the range of ways she should behave (when people want it, how they want it). “Get off my areola” is an assertive stance in opposition to critiques that constantly shroud a woman’s choices.  The description of policing of women’s bodies reflects the exact norm that subjected Williams to such criticism for her French open outfit.  Monáe’s message suits our culture now and will most likely apply into the distant future.  Interestingly, in my assessment of her song I was also engaging in the same behavior she was drawing attention to.  Yet to the contrary, my assessment could also be viewed simply as an opinion.  Of course, this could be left for debate.  

While appropriate professional attire is compulsory and the selections women make for their professional attire must certainly be appropriate for the setting, the notion that a female athlete must minimize either her athletic or feminine features is absurd.  Tennis star, Serena Williams is not an anomaly in her experience.  She simply cannot prevent her womanhood from being so apparent it offends someone.  Evident in the curves she is expected to go to great lengths to hide is a shared cultural inability to see a person first before identifying a sexual being that exists under the many layers of alternative roles that compose a woman’s identity.  The body parts often associated with women’s sexuality, in this case the pronounced buttocks, breasts, and thighs, are perceived as a source of disgust, a threat, or too striking a reminder of our sexuality or ways in which we do not fully represent others’ perceptions of femininity.  Acting on these perceptions perpetuates the belief that these body parts are a menace to be avoided.

Despite William’s body existing as a source of food for her child and a tool for her labor she, in this case, is primarily perceived as a sexual object.   Successful avoidance of her pronounced features is achieved through prohibiting her catsuit.  Williams will live on as an icon, yet in her lifetime may never be enough for her accomplishments to stand out more than her lady lumps.  For that reason, she is all of us.  But Ms. Serena (Ms. William’s if you’re nasty), keep doing what you are doing.  Next time, maybe try it with glitter.
                       
Written by Aimee M. Poleski, M.A.

                                                                       References

Dawson, A.  (2013).  The 'Black Panther'-style catsuit that made Serena Williams feel like a 'warrior princess' has reportedly been banned from future French Open tournaments. Retrieved from https://nordic.businessinsider.com/serena-williams-wakanda-inspired-catsuit-banned-from-the-french-open-2018-8/
Dicker, R.  (2018.)  Serena Williams’ ‘Wakanda-inspired catsuit’ banned by French Open.
Retrieved from: https://www.huffingtonpost.in/2018/08/25/serena-williams-wakanda- inspired-catsuit-banned-by-french-open_a_23509121/
Feinstein, J.  (1985).  Bodysuit bites the dust.  Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/ archive/lifestyle/1985/06/29/bodysuit-bites-the-dust/e602f07d-2402-44ca-98f2-7   6f65326566b/?noredirect=on&utm_term=.541ce8f0e1e3
Galley, J.  (2014).  Monthly Labor Review (MLR).  National Bureau of Labor Statistics.  Retrieved from: https://www.bls.gov/opub/mlr/2014/beyond-bls/stay-at-home-mothers-through-the-years.htm
Hobson, J. (2003). The “batty” politic: Toward an aesthetic of the black female body. Hypatia18(4), 87-105.  doi 68.0.192.230
Kentake, M.  (2017).  Sarah Baartman: The first known Black female victim of trafficking.
Retrieved from: http://theweeklychallenger.com/sarah-baartman-the-first-known-black-female-victim-of-trafficking/
Kimble, L.  (2017).  It's a girl! Serena Williams and Alexis Ohanian welcome daughter Alexis Olympia.  Retrieved from: https://people.com/parents/serena-williams-alexis-ohanian-welcome-daughter-alexis-olympia/
Lawson, E.  (2000). Black women’s mothering in a historical and contemporary perspective: Understanding the past, forging the future.  Journal of the Motherhood Initiative for Research and Community Involvement2(2).
Monáe, J. (2018).  Yoga.  AZLyrics.  Retrieved from https://www.azlyrics.com/lyrics/Janellemone/yoga.html
South African History Online (SAHO).  (2018).  Sara “Saartjie” Baartman. Retrieved            from: http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/sara-saartjie-baartman
Monáe, J. (2018).  Yoga.  AZLyrics.  Retrieved from https://www.azlyrics.com/lyrics/
Janellemone/yoga.html