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Friday, December 15, 2017

Feminists and Stigma?//Chandra Merry




What has it felt like to you when you have told others that you are a feminist? What emotions, images, or thought associations have come up in response when you have heard others claim that they are a feminist? Has anyone ever labelled you in a negative manner when you have openly displayed your feminism? And what does being a feminist truly mean to you?

I started considering these questions when a series of women were displayed on news media stations, stating that, as a generation, we had entered a post-feminism era. This was called the “women against feminism” movement and was broadcast on stations as prolific as the BBC. Was this a legitimate movement? Or was this simply a conservative strategy cleverly designed to undermine the legitimacy of feminism, and ultimately, women’s rights?

This occurred in 2013-14 when I was working on my Master’s degree. I was intrigued to get to the bottom of this “women against feminism” movement. I decided to look at a main research question in my thesis: are negative labels that feminists face damaging enough to be called stigma? When something is called a stigma, rather than a stereotype, the consequences are explicitly oppressive. Stereotypes are a common phenomenon that do not have an inherently damaging value. When a group can be seen as stigmatized they can also be seen as discriminated against.

It is no secret that strong and outspoken women have been targeted throughout history. A historical example is witch burning. A contemporary and subtler example is the undermining of famous women leaders by news stories about their clothing rather than politics. When I interviewed feminists in my study, one thing became clear. Feminism represented so much more than a political ideology. Rather, it was a vessel in which participants were able to gain personal empowerment and integrity as women. Feminism made them resilient, confident, and proud of who they were. Some even stated that it was a tool to feel personally liberated. These answers demonstrated that feminists are often strong and outspoken women who have a better quality of life.

Despite the clear connection between optimal health and feminism, these women all faced negative labels about being feminists. Some examples of labels included: strict in character, anti sex, killjoys of social events, having unkempt body hair, wearing baggy clothing, femi-nazis,  and/or extremists.  These labels came from various sources, such as political groups, personal acquaintances, and the media.

Within the study, it appeared that the above labels ultimately functioned to undermine the relationship between the feminists and their sense of personal strength, rather than just their political stances. Some findings indicated that the participants felt unsafe to share opinions about women’s agency or liberation when out in public. These participants indicated that this was not only about feminism, but also about the impaired ability to speak in an authentic manner. Others indicated that these labels were so hurtful that they automatically felt that they had to take up less physical space with their bodies. Relationships to other feminists could be negatively impacted due to these labels. Participants described relationships to other feminists as being empowering and supportive, highlighting how a disruption to these relationships would adversely impact their individual well being. Some feminists internalized these negative labels as stress, and appeared to have a decrease in their capacities for self regulation. Ultimately, this decreased capacity affected not only their health, but also their ability to engage in activism. There were many more consequences to these labels, and I am certain that had I more time and funding for this project, I could have listed out pages more.

If you have faced negative labels for being a feminist, have you ever tracked the impact that this has on you personally, and relationally? What are some of these impacts? Perhaps they are subtle. Would you ever consider the labels that you have faced as a feminist as stigma, rather than stereotyping or even joking? What would the implications of this be personally, interpersonally, or socially?

This study provoked thought about the value in studying backlashes against feminism. As feminists, if we can be conscious about the sometimes unconscious impact of these labels, we can learn to manage the stress associated with them. In addition, developing a wider conversation about this topic might make attacks (verbal or non verbal) against feminists increasingly socially unacceptable. It is much easier to make verbal attacks against feminists than against strong and outspoken women-- who ultimately, it appears that these attacks are geared toward.

Written by Chandra Merry

Colorism: It’s Harmful Effects on Women//La Toya Hampton

Photo credit: tumblr_inline_npphwudVQS1qzr9ro_500 

So what exactly is this concept of colorism all about? Colorism is a practice discriminating against individuals of darker skin tone. The practice is a product of European colonialism that upholds the White standards of beauty. During slavery, dark skinned slaves were given the physical tasks while their lighter skin counterparts were expected to complete indoor and less physical tasks (www.nccj.com). Despite its long historical roots, colorism is still prevalent within the twenty-first century (Glenn, 2008). Some researchers have found that people’s judgements about some individuals are solely based on skin tone whereas dark-skinned individuals are seen as less intelligent, trustworthy, and attractive than lighter-skinned individuals (Herring, Verna, & Hyward, 2003). Unfortunately, the relationship between skin color and attractiveness affect women more because society has placed most of her worth solely on of her appearance. For instance, a man’s worth is based on his ability to provide wealth and exhibit education. If he provides these things, he is considered to be “a good catch.” A woman’s worth is based on her physical attributes despite her ability to present other important characteristics (Glenn, 2008).

Sometimes skin tone can be can viewed as a way to increase privilege. This could include seeking a lighter-skinned martial partner to raise one’s status and to create intergenerational mobility by having children that are lighter-skinned. Especially for women, this thought process may include the use of cosmetics or other treatments to alter the look of their skin into a lighter complexion (Glenn, 2008). Although, skin tone may affect marital preferences for some individuals, Filipino women may desire to obtain lighter skin as a result of wanting to secure a better paying job in places like the Middle East, Asia, Europe, and North America. Additionally, research has shown that African Americans and Mexican Americans with lighter skin tones have higher educational attainment, income, and occupational status than individuals of darker skin tones (Hughes & Hertel, 1990).

Skin lightening has been practiced around the world for a long time and has accelerated during the twenty first century in all parts of the world as women are seeking light skin, free of imperfections. Globally, the production and marketing of products that offer lighter, brighter, and whiter skin tone has become a multi-billion-dollar industry. This boom in product sales are a result of its wide range of appeal to women across all demographics. For example, IndiaParenting.com and sukh-dukh.com, websites designed for South Asians in India and other parts of the world have chat rooms on skin care and lightening and Rexinteractive.com, a Filipino site sponsored by a magazine for Filipina teens, has extensive forums on skin lightening. In India the preference for lighter skin seems almost universal and Indian diasporic communities around the world are the largest consumers of skin lighteners. Although the use of skin lightening products may appear trivial, further examination can show a unique view in how the ideas of beauty based on the Western-dominated global system may propitiate a “white is right” ideology that promotes an acceptance and desire for Western culture and its products (Glenn, 2008).

Skin lightening products are not just cosmetic, but could lead to harmful side effects. In Africa, it is estimated that 35% of women in Pretoria, 52% in Dakar, and 77% in Nigeria use skin lightening products. Despite bans on the importation of skin lighteners, they create serious health issues in Southern Africa because the products include mercury, corticosteroids, or high doses of hydroquinone. Long-term use of hydroquinone may cause ochronosis, a condition that causes blue-black and grey discoloration of the skin; neurological damage, or kidney disease. In America, African Americans partake in various skin lightening products, many of which contain hydroquinone and mercury while some claim to only use natural ingredients. Although, many Indian women continue to use commercialized skin lighteners, some choose to use traditional homemade products made of ingredients from plants and fruits. In East Asia, 30% of Chinese, 18% of Hong Kong, and 20% of Taiwanese women used skin lighteners on a regular basis. In Latin America, the high-end products choose hydroquinone as their chemical of choice. In North America and Europe White women use hydroquinone, along with skin peeling, exfoliants, and sunscreen to remove and decrease hyperpigmentation such as freckles ad age spots (Glenn, 2008).

Societal awareness of cultural and racial diversity is imperative to eliminate pressure to change an individual’s appearance. Although, these initiatives address social inequalities, they must also include discussions on skin tone as it is the first observable characteristic that is used to evaluate individual differences (Thompson & McDonald, 2016). In fact, colorism helps us better understand how racism works in our contemporary society and as long as racism remains intact, colorism will continue resulting in women engaging in harmful tactics to achieve unrealistic beauty standards (Hunter, 2007).

Written by LaToya Hampton

References

Colorism (2015, October). National Conference for Community and Justice   
Retrieved November 11, 2017 from https://nccj.org/sites/default/files/uploaded_documents/colorism.pdf

Glenn, E. N. (2008). Yearning for lightness: Transnational circuits in the marketing and
consumption of skin lighteners. Gender & Society, 22(3), 281-302. doi:10.1177/0891243208316089

Herring, Cedric, Verna M, Keith, and Hyward Derrick Horton, eds. 2003. Skin deep: How race
and complexion matter in the “color blind” era. Chicago: Institute for Research on Race and Public Policy.

Hughes, Michael and Bradley R. Hertel. 1990. “The significance of color remains: A Study of
Life Chances, Mate Selection, and Ethnic-consciousness among Black-Americans.” Social Forces 68(4): 1105-20.

Hunter, M. (2007), The Persistent Problem of Colorism: Skin Tone, Status, and Inequality.
Sociology Compass, 1: 237–254. doi:10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00006.x

Thompson, M. S., & McDonald, S. (2016). Race, skin tone, and educational achievement. Sociological Perspectives, 59(1), 91-111. doi:10.1177/0731121415580026

Friday, December 8, 2017

Let’s Talk About Sex: Bringing Childhood Sexual Abuse Out of the Closet and Onto the Table//Aimee M. Poleski, M.A.


Photo Credit: http://www.buscarfondos.com/preview/1825/1600x1200/prefeitura-de-belo-horizonte

Sexual abuse is defined as “unwanted sexual activity, with perpetrators using force, making threats or taking advantage of victims not able to give consent (Kazdin, 2000).”  Children are frequent, common targets for penetrative and non-penetrative sexual acts, most often assaulted by a family member or other trusted adult (Lalor & McElvaney, 2010). This form of trauma is most often experienced by young girls.

Childhood sexual abuse (CSA), one of the most damaging traumas, is well documented throughout history, yet this universal problem began gaining attention only as recently as the 1960s (Lalor & McElvaney, 2010).  As something that appears to be an innate and often generational form of dysfunction fairly unique to humans, sexual abuse is an enduring, common phenomenon.  However, the true and present danger of CSA is one that does not receive comparable attention as threats more typically discussed, such as drugs, alcohol, or community violence.  Statistics range, but on average, about 30% of women will be sexually abused before the age of eighteen, and just under 15% of males are victims of CSA.  Over half of childhood sexual abuse cases involve penetrative abuse, and about 47% are incestuous.  Though perpetrators are most often men and victims most often female, both boys and girls are sexually abused by both sexes, with the perpetrator most often being someone with whom the child has a close or trusted relationship.  The effects of forced sexual contact on a child are deeply impactful and longstanding, with the victim experiencing psychological distress that manifests through various emotional, psychological, behavioral, and social problems.

Trust that up to a third of children in any school classroom may have been sexually abused. For many of these children, traumatic events persist.

Children who are sexually abused are twice as likely to experience future sexual trauma.  This is especially true for women.  Various emotional, psychological, and social factors effect this potential.  Initially, a child’s ability to seek out rewards from his environment becomes inhibited or distorted.  During normal childhood development a reward is experienced from emotional satisfaction gained through relationships (Lalor & McElvaney, 2010).  When sexual contact is forced upon a child, he comes to lack the ability to appropriately derive rewards from relationships.  This may be due to the distortion that occurs when a child does not experience reward through the sexual act or is rewarded for behaving in a way that facilitates the abuse, such as accepting a gift for keeping it a secret.  Truly rewarding experiences, such as a hug or nonsexual physical affection, may become less rewarding to the child through coming to associate physical contact and forced sexual acts.  This deficit can lead to maladaptive behavior that may effect the potential for risk taking behavior and revictimization.

Abuse stems from abuse.

Deficits in interpersonal functioning may contribute to patterns of dysfunction in relationships, increasing the potential for involvement in future abusive relationships.  This is especially true for those who become susceptible to coercion.  When early experiences normalize feeling unsafe, a child becomes less able to sense danger and respond appropriately. At times, feeling helpless can cause a child to cease efforts to stop or prevent the abuse, resulting in learned helplessness (Filipas & Ullman, 2006). This response, outwardly observable as a characteristically apathetic response to danger, hinders an individual’s ability to assert oneself in future compromising situations.  Failed attempts at preventing childhood abuse reinforce an individual’s sense of powerlessness.  They may come to believe that outcomes are outside of their control, exhibiting little resistance to future unpleasant experiences. The CSA victim can also develop a range of inappropriate sexual behaviors and associate sex with pain or punishment (Grauerholz, 2000). Pain and coercion become normal within their view of sexuality, and these individuals are more likely to tolerate low affection, pleading, and various forms of coercion. These maladaptive behavioral responses can ultimately cause an individual to be more likely to submit to forceful acts, increasing the prospect of revictimization during adolescence and adulthood.

Bad behavior is not a product of immaculate conception.  

Many children who are sexually abused exhibit behavioral problems. Adolescents who were sexually abused are more likely to run away from home, engage in consensual sex early, use drugs or alcohol, or exhibit promiscuity (Grauerholz, 2000).  Less blatant behavior may be observed in withdrawal or isolation. Clearly, such behavior is not well-received by families or the community. However, I encourage any parent who observes these behaviors to try to understand what is driving them. Quite often, the underlying cause could be sexual trauma. Children and adolescents often choose to speak through their behavior rather than their words.  Listen to what you see. 

Neglect is not limited to failing to meet a child’s physical needs.

Parents often do not believe reports of sexual abuse. While it may feel difficult, even impossible, to believe your child has been sexually assaulted by a family member or other trusted adult, the adult that has access to your child simply has opportunity to abuse him. That person is most likely a family member or friend, and your faith in believing those close to you would not harm your child may enable the abuse.  This is understandably painful.  Facing this reality upheaves people’s lives.  Family ties are severed, marriages end, or distrust can breed within a social network or community.  Yet the consequences of confronting the abuse are necessary to prevent it from recurring. Sadly, family members are less likely to be reported due to guilt and shame the family system experiences (Grauerholz, 2000). Not only does this allow the child to remain accessible to the abuser, it leaves the child to experience the persistent, longstanding emotional and psychological distress that arises from a parent not protecting him or her. I have worked with many adults in individual therapy who spend years grappling with not having felt protected by parents and struggle to cope with the awareness that their abusers are still free to abuse others. The single most beneficial thing a parent can do when a child discloses sexual abuse has occurred is to believe the child. The next best thing the parent can do is take legal action to ensure the abuse ends without another victim.

Get comfortable with discomfort. 

If you are concerned a child has been sexually abused or would like to understand what may be potential indicators, there are some common behaviors that can be observed in victims.  Some of these behaviors are protective, such as bed wetting or nightmares, observed during early childhood, or poor personal hygiene, more common in adolescents (NSOPW). These behaviors serve as attempts to make oneself less desirable in effort to discourage the abuse.  Unusual behavior, such as sexual language or play, should receive attention. Remember that a child has no basis for sexual knowledge, so if he or she speaks in a sexual manner you can err on the side of caution in assuming the content came from somewhere. Be attentive to a child having new toys, gifts, or money in his possession for no reason. These things could be used by the perpetrator to bribe the child to stay quiet or groom the child to trust the adult, preceding abuse.  Behavioral signs vary, but if you are paying attention to your child you will notice an uptick in aggressive, unruly, withdrawn behavior, or a behavior that simply seems abnormal for your child.  If something does not seem right, explore it. Be mindful that abuse occurs quite commonly in boys, and they are less likely to perceive themselves as victims and therefore less likely to report CSA.

Get comfortable with conversation.

Talk to your child about sexual abuse. Children can understand the concept of sexual danger when communicated in an age appropriate way, and through my work I have come to believe that children should be educated about sexual abuse from the moment they begin to speak. Infancy, sadly, does not prevent against sexual abuse, and a child at this stage in development has no means to protect herself.  However, a child can begin to understand the real danger of CSA during toddlerhood. I recommend initially framing discussion about body parts to the “swimsuit rule,” a common reference indicating no adult can touch the child on parts of the body a swimsuit covers.  Be sure to explicitly state exceptions by indicating a medical professional can assess these areas with a trusted adult in the room and explain under what circumstances. I also believe that there is no need to create childish pet names for the vagina, penis, anus, and breasts. These body parts have unique biological functions that are entirely unrelated to sex behaviors. They are used for urinating, defecating, and breastfeeding.  In talking to your child about sexual dangers, educate your child about the true functions of these body parts.  Limiting a child’s understanding of these normal, every-day behaviors may also influence the potential that a child will eventually identify sex organs more so with sex than other functions. Tell your child that if anyone asks to see these areas or exposes themselves, to say no, leave the room, and tell someone as soon as possible.  Get comfortable with these discussions, have them over time at different developmental phases, and experiment with practice conversations to help your child master assertiveness in uncomfortable situations. Help your child avoid feeling shame and embarrassment in discussing their bodies to increase the prospect that he or she will come to you if there is something important to discuss.  Think about it: Would you prefer they turn to you, someone else, or no one at all?  Be your child’s safe space.

Trust the influence of your role.

Childhood sexual abuse exists. I believe it can be found in most classrooms, neighborhoods, churches, daycares, or homes.  Girls are most often preyed upon, yet it is important to acknowledge the risk exists for both sexes.  Bring the reality of this danger into regular discussions as you would drugs, alcohol, or other threats to your child’s well-being.  There is no shame in preparing ourselves and our children to face being confronted by a sexual abuse perpetrator.  If we willingly arm ourselves with guns and other means to avoid various threats to our wellbeing, why are we so reluctant to be well-prepared to face unwanted sexual advances?  A child does not have to understand sex to be as prepared as possible if confronted with sexual acts. In educating children, we are preparing them to respond in the best way possible.  Over time, with continued discussion, this common phenomenon may become more rare, and ideally, obsolete.  Yet for the threat to become less present, we need to start talking about it.

Written by: Aimee M. Poleski, M.A.

Filipas, H. H., & Ullman, S. E. (2006). Child sexual abuse, coping responses, self-blame, posttraumatic stress disorder, and adult sexual revictimization. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 21(5), 652-672.

Grauerholz, L. (2000). An ecological approach to understanding sexual revictimization: Linking personal, interpersonal, and sociocultural factors and processes. Child maltreatment, 5(1), 5-17.

Kazdin, A. E. (2000). Encyclopedia of psychology, Vol 6, New York: American Psychological Association.

Lalor, K., & McElvaney, R. (2010). Child sexual abuse, links to later sexual exploitation/high-risk sexual behavior, and prevention/treatment programs. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, 11(4), 159-177.

NSOPW: U.S. Department of Justice. Recognizing Sexual Abuse: Learning the Warning Signs. Retrieved from https://www.nsopw.gov/en-US/Education/RecognizingSexualAbuse

Sunday, December 3, 2017

The Invisible Struggle of First-Generation Latina College Students//Josefina Sierra, B.S.


Photo from: Google Images

As a first-generation Latina college student, I did not know what to expect when I stepped foot on a college campus and began my journey towards a higher education. I, like many other first-year college students, was nervous about what the course load would be like in college, how big the classrooms were, and my performance in college-level courses. However, my greatest difficulties came from barriers I was not previously aware of deriving from aspects of my culture and identity as a first-generation Mexican American. Pressure to portray a good daughter image by driving long distances to return home most weekends interfered with my attempts to create a connection with my university and academic ambitions. I found this trend to be incredibly common among a variety of my peers who also identified as a first-generation Latina college student, and I realized there is a bigger phenomenon that occurs within Latin American families that create difficulties transitioning to the typical individualistic culture among American college campuses.

The experiences of Latinas in higher education are unique in that cultural values such as familismo and marianismo interfere with the individualistic culture commonly found in American colleges and universities. Familismo emphasizes family loyalty and co-dependence among family members as well as gender expectations, since Latina women are typically expected to prioritize family over their individual needs (Calzada, Tamis-LeMonda, & Yoshikawa, 2012; Espinoza 2010). Marianismo also contributes to the experiences of first-generation Latina college students through its emphasis on self-sacrifice, passivity, and idealizes women as having a sacred duty to family (Hussain, Leija, Lewis, & Sanchez, 2015; Leyva, 2011). A study by Espinoza (2010) studied the experiences of doctoral psychology Latina students and found that participants with a strong sense of familismo placed a high value on being a good daughter, therefore drawing upon their bicultural identity to navigate the cultural bind they were experiencing when having to decide between educational demands and family demands. While familismo and marianismo can create resilience in Latina college students by providing familial support and creating a sense of community, it can also harbor difficulties with the academic demands of a college education by expecting Latina women to continue prioritizing familial duties even after moving away to college.

It is important to be aware of these obstacles first-generation Latina women face in higher education in order to create structural and institutional change such as improving outreach efforts, bringing more awareness of the issue to faculty/staff within universities, and ensuring Latinas feel a sense of belonging to their academic homes (Espinoza, 2010). Additionally, it is crucial to be aware of intersecting identities that may exacerbate the difficulties of managing school-family demands such as sexual orientation, immigration status, and socioeconomic status (SES). Lastly, by making this issue more visible, current first-generation Latina college students and prospective first-generation Latina college students will feel more supported by their universities thus creating an inclusive campus environment for its students.

~ Written by Josefina Sierra, B.S.

References

Calzada, E. J., Tamis-LeMonda, C. S., & Yoshikawa, H. (2012). Familismo in Mexican and Dominican families from low-income, urban communities. Journal of Family Issues, 34(12), 1696-1724. Doi: 10.1177/0192513X12460218. 

Espinoza, R. (2010). The good daughter dilemma: Latina managing family and school demands. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 9(4), 317-330. Doi: 10.1177/1538192710380919.

Hussain, K. M., Leija, S. G., Lewis, F., & Sanchez, B. (2015). Unveiling sexual identity in the face of marianismo. Journal of Feminist Family Therapy, 27, 72-92. Doi: 10.1080/08952833.2015.1030353.

Leyva, V. L. (2011). First-generation Latina graduate students: Balancing professional identity development with traditional family roles. New Directions for Teaching and Learning, 127, 21-32. Doi: 10.1002/tl.